Enriqueta Aragones' Research



The following is a description of my research interests.
Most of my research is in Political Economics, but I have also done some work on Social Choice, and Learning.


Political Economics

Political Economics is a term coined by Roger Myerson to define the application of Economic Analysis to political institutions. It is devoted to the study of political institutions by the methods for analysis of behavior developed in Economics.

Social and political institutions are enduring systems of social constraint on human behavior. Institutional reforms are generally advocated with the goal of improving the people's welfare in a society. Economic analysis has been developed to provide a methodology to evaluate proposals to reform institutions.

Institutions are represented as simplified games where the preferences of all actors (parties, candidates, voters, …) are precisely specified. We analyze the strategic behavior of the actors in any given situation represented by a game, and look for its equilibria, that is, profiles of best responses that lead to stable outcomes. Equilibria allows us to make predictions over the consequences of a given political institution over society's welfare. A proposed reform of a political institution would then correspond to a change in the rules of this political game, which could in turn change the rational equilibrium behavior in the game.  

By examining many such models, and by relating the theoretical analysis to empirical findings from comparative politics, we can gradually build a better understanding of the significance of different political institutions. Work in this area may ultimately have great practical value in finding institutional structures that can improve the chances for the sustenance and spread of representative democracy in the world.

There is not yet much consensus about the basic organizing paradigms and principals of political economics. Understanding that the choice among different forms of democracy is a matter of great potential importance, we should learn more about how democratic structures may affect the conduct of politicians and the performance of the government

Most of my research in Political Economics is devoted to the study of the strategic interactions among the agents (candidates, parties, voters, …) involved in an election. The set of topics I have studied is the following:
1)   
Negativity Effect: focuses on the voters’ processing information task when facing an election.
2)
    Political Ambiguity: analyzes the strategic behavior of political candidates when deciding on the amount of information to deliver to voters.
3)   
Campaign Rhetoric: devoted to analyze the role of rhetoric in electoral campaigns using a game theoretical framework.
4)   
Elections with a  Favored Candidate: based on the classical spatial model assumes an exogenous asymmetry between the candidates.
5)   
Participatory Democracy: analyzes different democratic systems and compares them.
6)   
Participation: discusses several reasons to explain the elections turnout.
7)   
Government Formation: studies the possibilities of governing coalitions in a multidimensional spatial model.
8)   
Electoral Issues: investigates the selection of issues to be debated during the electoral campaigns.


1) Negativity Effect
: This project deals with the limitations to acquisition and processing of information faced by the different agents involved in an election.  The aim of this research is to find a convincing way to model the behavior of these different agents.  Analyzing the information available to each type of agent, and the use they make of it, is a most important step in this direction.  In particular, I am interested in the interplay between rational strategic behavior and psychological biases.

 
Negativity Effect and the Emergence of Ideologies in Journal of Theoretical Politics (1997) 9 (2):198-210. In this paper I study the information processing tasks of the voters.  It presents a model that attempts to explain certain empirical characteristics of the behavior of voters facing an election.  The main result of this model is that parties whose only objective is to maximize the number of votes behave as if they had an ideology, that is, an ideal point in the policy space.

 
A Dynamic Model of Multiparty Competition In this paper we offer a generalization of the previous model for the case of three-party competition.  The results we find for three party competition are qualitatively the same, and I show that they can be easily generalized to more than three parties.  This paper allows us to test the robustness of the previous results.  Furthermore, if we assume that parties and candidates have different objectives, an additional result of the three-party model shows the formation of parties, as infinitely lived agents with a certain ideology, out of the competition of myopic candidates freely choosing policy positions.
 

2) Ambiguity: Focusing on the ambiguity of candidates during electoral campaigns, we try to explain how in a political model with fully rational voters, political ambiguity can increase the number of voters to whom a party may appeal.

Strategic Ambiguity in Electoral Competition, co-authored with Zvika Neeman. Published in Journal of Theoretical Politics (2000) 12(2):183-204. This paper is about the strategic choice of platforms by candidates. In particular, it focuses on the amount of information that candidates are willing to release to the voters, analysing a spatial model of two party electoral competition.  We characterize those cases in which parties prefer to present ambiguous platforms and differentiate from each other ideologically, and those cases in which parties prefer to present identical ideologies with specific platforms.

 
Ambiguity in Election Games, joint with Andrew Postlewaite. Published in Review of Economic Design (2002) 7 (3): 233-255. We construct a model in which the ambiguity of candidates allows them to increase the number of voters to whom they appeal. We focus our analysis on two points that are central to obtain ambiguity in equilibrium: restrictions on the beliefs that candidates can induce in voters, and intensity of voters' preferences. The first is necessary for a pure strategy equilibrium to exist, while the second is necessary in order to obtain ambiguity in equilibrium when there exists a Condorcet winner in the set of pure alternatives and when the candidates' only objective is to win the election. The intuition is that an ambiguous candidate may offer voters with different preferences the hope that their most preferred alternative will be implemented. We also show that if there are sufficiently many candidates, ambiguity will not be possible in equilibrium, but a larger set of possible policies increases the chance that at least one candidate will choose to be ambiguous in equilibrium.
 

3) Campaign Rhetoric: Campaign statements are cheap talk, that is, fixing all actions of all participants, no payoffs differ when messages alone are changed. We outline necessary ingredients of a rational actor model in which campaign rhetoric can matter. We analyze how rhetoric can matter in repeated election models. We show how candidates may (rationally) choose to maintain a reputation for fulfilling campaign promises. We further discuss the determinants of the set of promises that candidates can credibly make in equilibrium.

Political Reputations and Campaign Promises, joint with Thomas Palfrey and Andrew Postlewaite. Published in the Journal of the European Economic Association, (2007) 5 (4): 846-884. We analyze conditions under which campaign rhetoric may affect the beliefs of the voters over what policy will be implemented by the winning candidate of an election. We develop a model of infinitely repeated elections with complete information in which candidates are purely ideological. We analyze an equilibrium in which all campaign promises are believed by voters, and honored by candidates, and voters' strategies involve a credible threat to punish candidates who renege of their campaign promises. We obtain that the degree to which promises are credible in equilibrium is an increasing function of the value of a candidate's reputation.

Information transmission and Reputational Dynamics in Repeated Elections joint with Thomas Palfrey and Andrew Postlewaite. We explore an equilibrium model of information transmission in repeated elections with two parties. The parties use strategies that trade off the long term benefits of maintaining a reputation for trustworthiness with the short term policy benefits of holding office. Several different equilibrium regimes may arise endogenously, including "alternating reputations" where one party enjoys a good reputation for several periods, and then loses it, and then reagins it at a later point in time. This should lead to a stochastic cycle of reputations in which parties transmit useful information to the voters.

Campaign Rhetoric: a learning model, joint with Thomas Palfrey and Andrew Postlewaite. We analyze conditions under which a candidate's campaign rhetoric may affect the beliefs of the voters over what policy the candidate will implement in case he wins the election. We develop a model of repeated elections with asymmetric information in which candidates are purely ideological and voters do not know the policy preferences of the candidates. In this model voters acquire information regarding the candidates' policy preferences from the fact that candidates renege or fulfill their campaign promises.

Campaign Rhetoric and Endorsements in Electoral Competition, joint with Andrew Postlewaite. We analyze the strategic interaction of political parties and potential endorsers during an electoral campaign in order to affect the outcome of the election. As a result of this interaction, voters' beliefs on the preferences of the parties may be affected.  Political campaigns can be represented by signalling games, and the application of the cheap talk refinement literature to them appears to be a helpful tool to understand the beliefs that can be induced in voters.
 

4) Elections with a Favored Candidate: This is a joint project with Thomas Palfrey. We examine competition in the standard one-dimensional Downsian model of two-candidate elections, where one candidate (A) enjoys an advantage over the other candidate (D).  Voter preferences are Euclidean, but any voter will vote for candidate A over candidate D unless D is closer to her ideal point by some fixed distance. The location of the median voter's ideal point is uncertain, and its distribution is commonly known by both candidates. The candidates simultaneously choose locations to maximize the probability of victory.  Pure strategy equilibria often fail to exist in this model, except under special conditions about the magnitude of the advantage and the distribution of the median ideal point.

Mixed Strategy Equilibrium in a Downsian Model with a Favored Candidate in Journal of Economic Theory (2002) 103 (1): 131-161. We consider a finite policy space within the unit interval and solve for the essentially unique symmetric mixed equilibrium. We show that candidate A adopts more moderate policies than candidate D, and we obtain some comparative statics results about the probability of victory and the expected distance between the policies proposed by the two candidates.

The Effect of Candidate Quality on Electoral Equilibrium: An Experimental Study in American Political Science Review (2004) 98 (1): 77-90. We test three of the predictions from the previous paper, namely: 1) the better candidate adopts more centrist policies than the worse candidate, 2) the equilibrium is statistical, in the sense that it predicts a probability distribution of outcomes rather than a single degenerate outcome, and 3) the equilibrium varies systematically with the level of uncertainty about the location of the median voter. We use laboratory experiments and find strong support for all three. We also observe some biases and show that they can be explained by Quantal Response Equilibrium.

Spatial Competition Between Two Candidates of Different Quality: The Effects of Candidate Ideology and Private Information in Social Choice and Strategic Decisions: Essays in Honor of Jeffrey S. Banks, Ed. David Austen-Smith and John Duggan, (2005) Berlin: Springer. We extend the previous model by assuming that candidates care not only about winning but also have policy preferences. We also assume that there is two-dimensional private information: candidates’ ideal points as well as their tradeoffs between policy preferences and winning. We characterize the effects of increased uncertainty about the median voter, the effect of candidates’ policy preferences, and the effects of changes in the distribution of private information on the equilibrium outcome.

Mixed Strategy Equilibrium in a Downsian Model with a Favored Candidate in a Continuous Policy Space We replicate the previous analysis considering an infinite policy space represented by the unit interval .


5) Participatory Democracy:
This is a joint project with Santiago Sanchez-Pages. Participatory Democracy is a collective decision making process that combines elements from both Direct and Representative Democracy. Citizens have the power to decide on policy and politicians assume the role of policy implementation.

A theory of Participatory Democracy based on the real case of Porto Alegre in the European Economic Review (2009) 53: 56-72. We explore a formal model of Participatory Democracy inspired in the experience of Participatory Budgeting implemented in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre. Our model builds on the research on meetings with costly participation by Osborne, Rosenthal, and Turner (2000). The aim of this paper is to understand how Participatory Democracy operates, and to study its characteristics and implications over the behavior of citizens and politicians and over the final policy outcomes.

The disadvantage of winning an election. This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages.  Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.


6) Participation:
This is a joint project with Itzhak Gilboa and Andrew Weiss.

Making Statements and Approval Voting forthcoming in Theory and Decision. We assume that people have a need to make statements, and construct a model in which this need is the sole determinant of voting behavior. In this model, an individual selects a ballot that makes as close a statement as possible to her ideal point, where abstaining from voting is a possible (null) statement. We show that in such a model, a political system that adopts approval voting may be expected to enjoy a significantly higher rate of participation in elections than a comparable system with plurality rule.


7) Government Formation:
I analyze the process of formation of a governing coalition in a multidimensional spatial model.

Government Formation in a Two Dimensional Policy Space in the International Journal of Game Theory, (2007) 35 (2): 151-184. Given any allocation of parliament seats among parties, we characterize all the stable government configurations (supported by at least a majority of the parliament) in terms of winning coalitions and policy outcomes. We consider a two dimensional policy space and we assume that there are four parties that care mainly about holding office, and only instrumentally about policy. We find that for any distribution of seats in the parliament only two scenarios are possible: either there is a party that is a member of almost all equilibrium coalitions (dominant party scenario) or there is a party that is never a member of an equilibrium coalition (dominated party scenario). We characterize the key party for each possible scenario and we show that it is sufficient that the key party has intense preferences over one the issues to guarantee the formation of a stable government coalition.

The Key Party in the Catalan Government in the Spanish Economic Review (2007) 9 (4): 249-271. This paper analyzes the different compositions of the catalan governing coalitions during the current democratic period, and offers some predictions about the coalitions that can be expected in the future. During this period, in catalan politics, there have been two main political issues over which the different parties have taken positions: rightist versus leftist with respect to economic policy, and sovereign versus centralist with respect to the power distribution within the state. I find that for any allocation of parliament seats there is a key party: a party that has a clear advantage in terms of being able to decide the composition of the governing coalition. I show the features that allow a party to become the key party and those that affect the size of the advantage of the key party.

An Automated Model of Government Formation is a joint project with Pilar Dellunde. Forthcoming in The Political Economy of Democracy, edited by E. Aragonès, C. Beviá, H. Llavador, N. Schofield, published by Fundación BBVA. We propose a formal model of bargaining for government formation in a parliamentary democracy that permits the analysis of the effects of a large class of bargaining strategies on the possibility of reaching agreements and on the policy compromise of the members of the government coalition that forms. We also propose a complementary algorithm that, applied to the proposed model, would allow to implement the simulations of the interplay of different sets of strategies. The implementation of the combination described above should shed some light on the performance of the different strategies according to the benefit they produce for the parties.

Bargaining for Government Formation  is a joint project with Pilar Dellunde and Xavier Vilà. It aims at constructing the algorithm proposed in "An Automated Model of Government Foramtion". Using the Netlogo software we will simulate the interplay of several parties using different strategies, and evaluate the payoffs they obtain from the outcomes of the simulation. We will compare the performance of the different strategies in different setups, and conclude about the optimality of each one of the strategies characteristics. We will also allow strategies to evolve over the paying time in order to find the optimal strategy for a party when facing a given environment. Finally, we will find the overall optimal strategies of parties that use strategies that improve over time.



8) Electoral Issues: This is a joint project with Micael Castanheira. This project refers to the selection of issues that are going to be debated during an electoral campaign and to its effects on the elections outcome.  Each party, depending on its ideological position, will have a preference to install at the center of the electoral campaign those issues that favor it the most, that is, those issues that make it appear most attractive in front of the voters. The interaction among parties before the electoral campaign determines that only a small number of issues will be debated during the campaign. This project aims to uncover the reasons why few issues survive and are being developed during the campaigns while other issues are going to be totally ignored. The success of an election campaign is, indeed, often the success of this former campaign. If party A manages to convince the electorate that issue a is of utmost importance, then party A has a substantial advantage at the time of the election. If party A fails to do so, and issue b ends up winning the "battle for attention", then party B may have the advantage. Our aim is to explore: on the one hand which parties can benefit from the fact that a certain issue is central during electoral campaigns, and which parties have a strong preference for it to be ignored; and on the other hand which parties are able to have a certain issue selected as a campaign issue.

Social Choice

A derivation of the money rawlsian solution in  Social Choice and Welfare (1995) 12: 267-276. I study the set of envy-free allocations for economies with indivisible objects and quasi-linear utility functions.  In this paper, I find the minimal amount of money necessary for its non emptiness when negative distributions of money are not allowed.  I also find that, when this is precisely the available amount of money, there is a unique way to combine objects and money such that these bundles may form an envy-free allocation. Based on this property, I describe a solution to the envy-free selection problem following a pseudo-egalitarian criterion.


Learning

Fact Free learning  in the American Economic Review (2005) 95 (5):1355-1368. This is a joint paper with Itzhak Gilboa, Andrew Postlewaite, and David Schmeidler. We offer an explanation of how people may learn without getting new factual information. We show that given a database, finding a small set of variables that obtain a certain value of accuracy is computationally hard, in the sense that this term is used in computer science and we discuss some of the implications of this result and of fact-free learning in general.